Thursday, November 12, 2009

The Religiosity of the Filipino People - Jose Rizal

WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Bold, Italized and/or Colored and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go tohttp://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."

NEW ON THIS WEBSITE: Go to the sidebar, Click SCRIBD;View/Free Download pdf versions of: postings, eBooks, articles (60+ and growing), please Share!

As to the religiosity of the naïve man, God is a being from whose care one hopes to benefit and whose punishment one fears; a sublimation of a feeling similar to that of a child for its father, a being to whom one stands, so to speak, in a personal relation, however deeply it may be tinged with awe.” – Albert Einstein

“Religion is the sigh of the oppressed people, the heart of the heartless world, and the soul of the soulless conditions, it is the opium of the people.” – Karl Marx

These past weeks, I have not written anything new although my mind is pregnant with so many thoughts or things to write about. My excuse is that a new project, which is quite new to me,requires much research time and effort on my part, etc.

Anyway, an email buddy wrote to say that lately I have not written anything about religion. Frankly, I felt and thought that I should comment more about this subject since religion had and continue to have a major impact on how we Filipinos conduct our personal lives and operate in our homeland/society. I therefore reviewed my drafted posts and found an unfinished piece about Filipino religiosity, written by our hero, Dr. Jose Rizal. I am posting it here without much comments except to say that it is quite entertaining to me; but seriously speaking, for over a century to the present, practically all that Rizal wrote about still deeply and widely exist in our homeland and among many fellow Filipinos abroad....all reflecting the truisms he observed then and our continued ignorance now....and that today we Filipinos are still in the medieval stage of Catholicism/Christianity while the rest of Christianity has moved on.

(PS. It suddenly crossed my mind that we Filipinos seem to suffer from a paucity of intellectuals, we seem to oftentimes cite Rizal and just a few others! Such a state-of-affairs creates the mythical deification of Rizal.)

- Bert

“The fact that a believer is happier than a skeptic is no more to the point than the fact that a drunk is happier than a sober one.” – George Bernard Shaw

“Religion is excellent stuff for keeping common people quiet.”- Napoleon Bonaparte

“RELIGION. A daughter of Hope and Fear, explaining to Ignorance the nature of the Unknowable.” - Ambrose Bierce, 1842-1914, American Author, Editor, Journalist, ''The Devil's Dictionary''

******************************

The Religiosity of the Filipino People

- Dr. Jose Rizal

Note: A fragment of an essay by Rizal –Estado de religiosidad de los pueblos en Filipinas – translated by Dr. Encarnación Alzona.


The common man then who did not understand the language saw mystery in everything; and because of his ignorance, either he deceived himself or encouraged the impostures of others.

Cesare Cantu,

History of the World,

"On Religions in General"


All those who have dealt with the Philippines in their writings or in conversations affirm one thing: the religiosity, or better, the religious fervor of the people. However, they are not agreed in their evaluation. Some have discovered a religious spirit pronouncedly Catholic, a piety worthy of the first centuries; others a superstitious fanaticism in which there is nothing great or sublime, the characteristics of Christianity; others, ignorance or refined hypocrisy; and still others, a materialistic and superficial religion devoid of any fundamental beliefs or true virtues. Such a great divergence of opinion can only be explained by the difference in their individual ideas, the degree of their education, and the nature of the prism through which they see the circumstances and the facts.

In fact, some through similarity of conviction and principles praise in others what they themselves practice and profess; others, of diametrically opposed doctrines censure those who do not think as they do. Possessing a pessimistic spirit they judge the generality of men by specific cases, though not exceptional but still uncommon. The others consider only the external manifestations of the objects that absorb their attention without looking deeply into their internal qualities. The most enthusiastic panegyrics [complements] and the most sarcastic and bitter criticisms alternate with compassionate disdain or mocking praise. It is not unusual to hear one who once exalted his faith and morality afterwards laugh and despise what he had so highly praised.

One who would pretend to know the state of morality of this people through the perusal of books published by writers who are candid or prejudicial or the various travel accounts will gain a strange idea, more or less exaggerated, according to the source of his information.

We who have no other purpose in writing but to be useful to our country and its people; we who don’t wish to flatter, because they will discover the lie and repay us with justified contempt; we who believe that our writings will be read only by those to whom they are dedicated and consequently our criticisms will not tend to discredit or affect the opinion that foreigners already hold of us; and above all, we who have always counted ourselves among the sons of the people because we have lived as they did, breathed the same air as they, and shared their defects and mistakes, we hope in dealing with this subject to expose the truth such as it is and as we have seen it and such as we judge it at present from afar, free consequently from its powerful influence.

The subject seems easy at first glance, but looking at it well, it is very difficult and rough. At first one promises himself to say the whole naked truth: later he will be obliged to dress and adorn it to make it acceptable; afterwards he will have to hide it to put in its place a manikin, which, if it is not a lie, ought to resemble it very closely. Until better times come, the pen must bow to circumstances. Thus, without limiting ourselves to specific facts and provinces we are going to speak in general, without alluding to or blaming anyone.

And as religious beliefs and laws, their consequence, accompany man everywhere and in every moment of his life modifying his character, his instincts, his passions and even his manner of thinking, in spite of the fact that many think the contrary, we are going to study the religious spirit in all phases of the life of the Filipino, private and public, in his festivals and his entertainments as well as when he mourns and weeps at last – in short from his birth to his death.

We will divide then the present work into two parts: one dealing with internal worship and the other with external religious ceremonies. By internal worship we understand the ideas, the beliefs, about the divinity of the saints and future life. By external religious ceremonies we mean all the visible manifestations of the soul, all the symbols, all the homage rendering to superior beings through material demonstrations in conformity with religious beliefs.

Let us now take up internal worship, or rather, the beliefs, but bearing in mind that we are referring solely to the Catholics, who form a large majority in the country, as the object of our study is the generality of the people without pretending to embrace all of them.

Idea of Divinity
Let us examine in the first place the basis of a religion: the idea of a divinity. Let us find out the idea not of the educated man, who is ready initiated in the mysteries, so to speak, but of the common man, despised being in the age of ignorance and barbarism, feared and respected in stormy and turbulent days and the object of anxiety in civilized and cultured countries. Let us look into his concept of God or the Supreme Being whom he worships, inasmuch as on the greater or less purity of this knowledge depends the degree of greatness of religion. Ordinarily all the blotches and defects of any doctrine have their origin in a tiny shadow or blemish in the divine idea, in the same manner as a slight cloud over the solar disk envelops in shadow all the objects that it covers and dominates everything from its from its lofty height.

We know very well that nobody on earth has an exact and perfect idea of God, which explains the inaccuracy and imperfection of all the religions devised or reformed by men. However, we ought not for this reason despair of ever knowing it. Man is not expected to do more than his strength would allow. The inventor does not blame the machine if it does not produce more than what it can or should. Just as our understanding is important and limited so also are our concepts. Therefore, the clarity of our idea of the Creator will depend on the degree of our ignorance or the development of our intellectual faculties.

Having stated these brief considerations let us describe fully the notion of God held by the majority of the inhabitants of the Philippines and we should not be surprised if we discover some irregularities.

Their beliefs derived from what their parents or teacher had taught them in their childhood, from sermons they have heard, which occasionally deal with God if not with the Virgin and the saints, from what they have read in books as the Pasion, the catechism, and others, can be summarized as follows:

They firmly believe without the least doubt in the existence of one God, the Creator, excessively omnipotent, before whose presence metaphysical impossibilities disappear; more revengeful and just than mild and merciful because of the continuous threats, punishments, and tortures.

They believed, as we have said, in the unity of God and the Trinity, they confess the deep mystery of God and generally they kneel down instead of inquiring and examining their beliefs, though at times a Brother of the Third Order or some other order, or senior sacristan would pretend to explain it with more or less vulgar examples or some singular interpretation. We have never heard as it had occurred to anyone to inquire about the origin of God or about His purpose. They have a full understanding of eternity. The Filipino person is an obedient and humble believer. If his reason encounters an obstacle or else an anomaly with which he disagrees, he will not seek a hypothesis to explain it; on the contrary, he will smother his scruples or silent protests in the fire of his faith or in his great confidence in the mysterious.

The Virgin and the Saints
As if to soften and assuage somewhat this terrible idea that they hold of God, there is the poetic and tender one of the Virgin. However, one must distinguish two things: the Virgin as the Mother of the Savior, and the different images that represent her. That tender, merciful compassionate, mediator of sinners resides in heaven; she is a loving mother, indulgent, and without equal. The Virgin of the images or rather the different representations of the Virgin, images that are more or less miraculous, are generally regarded in another way. They easily accede to the prayers and offerings and other acts of piety of their devotees who wear their scapular or their insignia. They attend them at the hour of their death and are a powerful safeguard of all those who in life dedicated themselves to their cult. Just as they unfailingly aid those who fulfill their promises so they punish in a more or less notable manner those who fail to fulfill their vows of whatever kind.

These images attain such influence on the imagination of the common man that they eclipse what they represent, consequently becoming not mere images but genuine and distinct entities. He sees in them not the symbol of the Mother of God but a powerful demigoddess to whom are attributed usually passions and tastes, each one having her defenders and partisans. Any statue, picture, or painting of Our Lady of the Rosary would be venerated in a different manner from that of Our Lady of Carmel and various statues or paintings of this one would be appreciated in different ways according to whether they are more miraculous than the others. A devotee of the Virgin of Antipolo, for example, would use half of his fortune and perhaps more for the purpose of giving glory and fame to her sanctuary while he would not light candle before the Virgin of Raphael, if this has not given signs of the most significant manner.

In short, it is not the idea but the symbol that they venerate and worship; it is not the Mother of God but a statue or a painting that at one time represented a being pious and tender above all; now it has become a true existence. If you would say to one of those simple and fervent devotees that the mass for the Virgin of Antipolo can also be said in honor of the Lady of Sorrow, without losing anything, he will call you simply and fervently a heretic or at least a bad Christian.

The same happens to the saints. Among them are saints for stolen objects, like Saint Anthony of Padua; for eye diseases, like St. Lucia; for the plague, like St. Roque; for crops, like St Isidore; for the rains, like St John the Baptist; or the locusts, like St. Augustine, and others. Even for giving fertility and curing diseases there is St. Pascual Bailon who is venerated in the town of Obando. So great are their faith and confidence to these saints that almost never do they ask God for the object of their desires. I don’t know why, whenever they find a saint dedicated to a specialization. What happens to the images of the Virgin happens also to those of the saints. The image of St. Anthony of Padua of such and such a church or barrio is more miraculous than that of St. Anthony of Padua of this church or that house, because for one candle lighted in his honor a stolen article was returned to Pedro which did not happen to Juan with the saint elsewhere.

And what a strange thing! The most miraculous images are the worst made, the oldest or the ones that inspire greatest terror or respect, now for being black or brown, now for his stern features. Similarly, the old statues of the Greek gods were considered more powerful and terrible than the beautiful, elegant ones sculptured by Phidias or Praxiteles.

Immortality of the Soul
Without exception all believe that we have a soul, which is immortal. No one doubts it and so rooted is this belief that it is the only one accepted by all. This soul can go out of the places to which God has assigned him and wander around places and persons that pleased him or in which he is interested. Some towns, or rather many country people, believe that those who are not Christian have no soul and so they look upon the Chinese as entirely different beings.

Idea of a Future Life
As an inevitable consequence of the immortality of the soul is the belief in another life that begins in the tomb and never ends. It is presumed that before the arrival of the Spaniards and of course the Catholic religion in those Islands, their inhabitants had no idea of either hell or purgatory, though they already, though they already believed in the existence of the soul. However, we don’t know if they considered it immortal. We think so, inasmuch as in all their dialects is found the word which means soul, but not purgatory or hell.

With respect to their idea of heaven, purgatory, and hell, they did not differ in any way from the other Catholics. They considered heaven the abode of the abode of the angels and the blessed, purgatory, of those who had to atone for very minor sins or purge themselves of the stain that past and more serious sins leave behind, and hell, of all bad Catholics and all who do not belong to the Catholic religion regardless of whether they are more just than Job and more reclusive than was St. Paul. Their idea of these terrible places is the same as in the time of Dante. Of heaven, however, their ideas were different and varied according to the one who looks at it and analyzes it. There are those who believe it to be the country of the cockpit, of the theatre, and mangoes; of eternal music and bright lights; of melodious songs and delightful dances; in short, everyone imagines a heaven according to his tastes and aspirations.

Nevertheless, there’s never lacking some Voltairian [Referring to a Filipino who, as did the 18th century French writer and philosopher, François Marie Arouet Voltaire, questions the existence of orthodox religion -- rly] countryman who speaks of these things half-mockingly as if he does not believe in them. “I don’t want to go to heaven,” said one, “it’s so high that if I slip and fall to earth I would be dashed to pieces. Neither do I want to go to hell for they tell me it’s very bad there, though I don’t believe it entirely; were it true, many would have come back.” “I almost like hell,” said another gambler, “All the rich go there, all the gamblers, and all the pretty and gay women; however, all the innocent go to heaven, as well as the eleven thousand virgins…” The existence of good and bad angels is admitted without discussion or even hesitation, though until the present, the devout have seen only the bad ones, for the good ones seem to be scarce. The devils are the cause of all evil and appear before men in all guises.

Virtue and Sin
The idea of virtue, which should be pure, sublime, and universal, assumes here another aspect, entirely curious. It is not the humble and resigned virtue of the Hebrews who respond to their misfortune and miseries with chants and exaggeratedly mournful lamentations; it is not the stoical and fierce virtue of the Spartans who sacrifice for the material well-being of the mother country the most beautiful sentiments and the most tender natural impulses; it is not the beautiful and profound virtue of the Athenians who paid no attention to ingratitude or poverty but only to their duty prescribed by the mother country and their laws; neither is it the cruel and severe virtue and equally great and terrible virtue of the Romans for whom there was no other god but the grandeur and preponderance of their country; neither is it Christian virtue, the only true, humanitarian, universal, humbly heroic, which the Son of God bequeathed to men as a symbol of peace, as an efficacious panacea for the ills not of the community, people, or race, but of all mankind.

The people, of defective or scanty education, without any idea or exact knowledge of their religion, naturally judge things according to their education and ability and are many times deceived by the surface or appearance rather than by their fundamental merit. To them a just and good Christian is one who frequents the church, who attends the most processions, who lights the most candles, and gives luxurious dresses to the images, without taking into account whether the money used in these works (pious, yes, but not at all necessary) has been acquired at the cost of the hunger and tears of many unfortunate men. What? Does it not happen that those who had amassed modest fortunes, enriching themselves through frauds and deceit, at the hour of their death, when they no longer have the need of the amassed treasure, or tormented by terrible remorse, to silence their conscience and enjoy heaven, give to the church the product of their avarice and infamy die peacefully believing that they have fulfilled all their duties and acted according to the will of God?

And will the infinite Purity accept what an honorable man would disdain to touch? The widow’s mite, the miserable mite, was pleasing to the eyes of Jesus Christ because it came from a pure heart governed by a clean and tranquil conscience! What a difference there is between the humble alms, the most simple expression of piety, and the ostentatious bequests of pompous gifts, a vain investment! Let it not be believed, however, that we indict such actions, sometimes the children of a good desire and sincere faith, no; doubtless their motives are not always reprehensible; but there are so many miseries to be remedied, so many tears to be wiped out, and above all, there is a scarcity of beneficent hands for the truly unfortunate.

But returning to what we were saying, we will add that the idea of the true and solid virtue is very little or not known at all among the people. It’s rare to find one who sees farther and who longs for more. Quite often their intelligence cannot grasp the true meaning of Christian doctrines. They adapt themselves to the character and imitate if not their virtues, at least their defects.

The continuous fasting, confessions, or membership in one or various confraternities are usually considered the most meritorious acts of life. To do good to one’s fellowmen, to make a sacrifice for the happiness of others, to tell the truth even to one’s detriment, to look upon all as brothers are acts that go unnoticed, either because true virtue is modest and simple or because it is unknown to men.

And so it happens to the idea of sin. To mix or eat meat on days of abstinence, to break a fast or something of the kind, is generally considered a sin graver still than to lie which hurts and injures, than backbiting or the insult to misfortune and poverty. You can hurt even unjustly the self-love of an unfortunate man; you can rob the orphan and the widow, or take away the honor of a man who has no other patrimony; you can call him the most injurious and basest names; you can make him pay with bitter tears his sad fate and your enviable situation; in short, even maltreat him, slap him, and kill his mortal life. You can do all this and even more, and no one will say that you are a bad Christian so long as you hear mass, you confess, you take communion, and attend all processions, praying all day and fasting on fast days marked on the calendar.

The commandments of the Church are more respected than the Law of God; formulas of faith dominate more than ideas, because pomp and ceremonies impress the common man more than principles and substance. Many persons violate divine laws because of the facility with which sins are erased, and to be again reconciled with the Creator through a confession or at least through an act of contrition, and the assurance of being purged of one’s sin in less time than is necessary to commit it.

The candor or rather the ignorance of many people tends to perpetuate these lamentable popular beliefs that not only do they mislead many minds but they also greatly discredit in the eyes of foreigners the holy doctrines of the Catholic religion, thus exposing to ridicule many sublime and evangelical teachings.

These are the most common ideas which prevail among the people. Perhaps there may be some who do not think or believe like the rest; but the truth is that the religious beliefs of the common man can be condensed as we have briefly stated. The brevity of this article does not permit us to go into more details or go deeper into the question.

…. [Note: a portion of the writing is lost] Let’s go now to the consideration of the external cult. But as this embracers numerous subjects, we shall leave untouched the ceremonies, usages, and customs that are not unique or resemble those of other countries, confining ourselves only to those which are of interest either for their singularity or for any other quality that makes them notable.

Prayers
With respect to prayers the Filipino people can be said to be truly religious. From the time a Filipino rises from his bed to the time he returns to it to rest from the wearisome day all his actions alternate with prayers and devotions. Perhaps they are the only Catholic people who still preserve the primitive traditions. The ringing of the church bells announce the hours of prayer and retreat; communication with the Creator is frequent and repeated, though the object of their devotions is the Virgin and the saints.

The most common prayers are the rosary and the novenae. The rosary is recited daily and the novenae when they desire to obtain a particular grace. These prayers, which are generally very long, are held at night, the hour of silence and quietude. They are usually very long with many additions, repetitions, and other things. As many of these prayers are the same everyday and are in Spanish, and at times in Latin – languages which the common man does not understand – they make many doze and nod or think of very different things while they murmur or repeat like parrots “Our Father” and “Ave Maria.”

However, many pray in their native tongue, but as the majority of the novenae are strongly recommended to obtain certain objects and wishes, the faithful are forced to recite these prayers instead of the simple and pure prayers taught by Jesus Christ, thus giving rise to instances of such very bad pronunciation of phrases and words that would make laugh even the very images to whom these religious acts are dedicated. There’s something worthy of note in them: there’s a rigid measure for the “Our Fathers,” “Ave Marias," and “Gloria Patris,” a fixed number, a certain whimsical combination that the common man follows and scrupulously observes, as if God would scorn the prayer of an unfortunate man for being one “Our Father” more or one “Gloria Patri” less. The same thing happens to the novenae. They have to be exactly nine days though they are not recited devoutly – always the form before the substance. As we have already noted, the cult of the Virgin and of the saints is more widespread than that of God because of the belief that the graces could be more easily obtained through the intercession of mediators. These novenae are dedicated to all the images of the Virgin and all the saints known for their specialties, for this or that miracle.

Some have such faith in certain prayers that they use them as a medicine or amulet. In some instances the sacred objects are used for profane or impious and abominable purposes. The Holy Form, ancient medals vyingly large, rare, or blurred, cotton soaked in holy oil, the Bible in English, the Ave Maria in French (we have been ocular witnesses) and other things more that for being incomprehensible and mysterious to the ignorant man are regarded by him as a genuine protection that make invulnerable whoever carries them about his person. Further on we shall deal with this subject more extensively in connection with religious festivals.

Other means of obtaining from heaven signal favors are lighted candles and the more or less elaborate masses, depending on the fame of the image, the fortune of the supplicant, and the importance of the grace desired. What’s asked is not always just, good, or innocent at least. There are cases also, especially among people of rudimentary education and doubtful morality, of candles and masses offered whose purpose is the ruin or death of a hated person, of a daughter who has abandoned the paternal home against the wishes of her parents, or of the opposing side in an important lawsuit.

The candles are usually of various classes according to the price and size, qualities which influence much the efficacy of the prayer. Ordinarily those that are lighted in the churches during mass do not cost more than one real fuerte [01] and this candle can be bought either in the sacristy or at the doors of the church where many women are stationed who are engaged in selling this article.

It’s a pious and laudable act to light a candle to an image to honor it with their external manifestation of religious fervor. Far be it for us to censure it, but what we can’t accept, now or ever, is that many ascribe more power to a candle (which is sold even for a penny) than to a simple petition coming from a humble and repentant heart. Is it perchance that God does not see more than external manifestations, and like men, allow Himself to be seduced by the miserable luxury of the world or by stupid flattery?

The same thing happens to masses. They are the most powerful means to which man can resort to obtain from the Divine Will what would be propitious to him. They are also of different prices according to their pomp and the candles that are lighted, whether there’s music or not, and the number of sacristans, and the like. From one to one hundred pesos, from the simple mass with a single sacristan, four candles, the simple vestments of the priest, without singing or music is of little worth in the heavenly court than what we have called the High Mass for which all the bells are rung from early morning, fireworks are lighted, and the officiating priest puts on the richest vestments, incense and lights are used profusely, and the prayers are chanted.

Hence, when heaven is petitioned for the fertilizing rain, when a famous sanctuary is asked for the realization of a project, when it’s for the purpose of honoring a saint or the patron of the town, these costly masses are used in the firm hope that they will be agreeable to the eyes of the saint or the patron of the town, these costly masses are used in the firm hope that they will be will be agreeable to the eyes of the saint to whom they are dedicated. Contributing to this also is the humility of the believers who suppose that the prayer of the priest is more acceptable to God than their own, a reflection of what goes on in the world where, in order to read a superior authority, they use influential persons, courtiers, or their favorites.

Promises and Offerings
We have little to say on this matter which has been the same since the days of paganism. The sick who get well; those who win in lawsuits; those who go on or return from a long journey; those who deliver safely; in short, everyone who obtains what he has asked, deposit at the feet of the image or on its altar a remembrance, a memento of the event or the favor granted. The miraculous quality of the images can be known at first glance upon entering a church. The altar which is distinguished from the rest by little wax or silver figures belongs to a saint who has performed the largest number of miracles or healed the most.

Among the many images of the Virgin that every temple has there will be one that excels the rest by these proofs of faith and piety and is continually lighted, while at another altar nobody prays nor remembers to light a rickety candle. This is the explanation for the fabulous wealth of certain sanctuaries while others do not even have enough with which to buy the oil to burn as the most concrete and minutest expression of worship. Frequently among the rich devotees arise silent competitions in the magnificence of their gifts. They want to attract popular attention with their piety, lavish expense, or more or less ridiculous vanity.

Pilgrimages
We are going to mention here the most important in the Archipelago, the most frequented by the faithful, in the belief that with the idea that we give of this one, we shall have covered all the rest: the pilgrimage to Our Lady of Antipolo.

By the first days of May when the sun begins to send off its most burning fires; when the continuous rains put a respite on their course and waters; when the people of the neighboring provinces come down to Manila to sell their goods or make purchases with their earnings of the year, the feared and venerated sanctuary of Antipolo opens to begin the long series of novenae, the thirty-six days of feasts, High Masses, the continuous coming and going, stirring, praying, amusements – thirty-six days of faith, of religious fervor, and of pilgrimage. The first Tuesday of May, the image of the Virgin, lavishly attired with rich garments, diamonds, silver staff and embroidered mantle is exhibited to the veneration of the faithful who can tell by the varying coloration of her face the state of her mind, if joy enlivens it or some irregularity irritates it. She is brown in the latter case and fair in the first.

The most devoted provinces are Batangas, Manila, Pampanga, Laguna, Bulakan, Cavite, and Tayabas. However, each one has its own date for the novena and then no one can compete or equal the picturesque animation, the gay and noisy poetry of the event. On the Pasig the little boats of the pilgrims, decorated with red and white streamers, come and go with passengers peeping under the carang or cover, the heads of old and young people and children mingling with valises and dinner pails, and the music from a harp or an accordion floating in the air. Pasig, Cainta, Taytay, and Antipolo present the most varied spectacle, the most entertaining panorama that can be imagined. Some go in springy hammocks. They are the ones who, for reasons of health or for fear, cannot ride in the insignificant carromatas. Others, and they are the youth, ride on nimble little horses behind which ran their owners. Others for a vow or for lack of funds go on foot until the summit of Antipolo. Pious and merry greetings, a sigh of satisfaction, at times, a tear, are a sign that the venerable sanctuary has been sighted.

Covered and full of dust of the road, wearied by the long journey, after leaving their luggage at the first free inn that they reach – here all the houses are inns – the devotees proceed to the temple to present themselves to the sacred image, give thanks, and implore her unfailing aid. With what fervor, with what faith, with what tenderness and submissiveness the simple believer enters the sanctuary to prostrate himself before the object of his pilgrimage, before the purpose of his wearisome journey! Then he prays there devoutly and he does not leave until he is soothed by faith and confidence!

Inside the temple noting is heard except the monotonous recitation of the novena, the special noise made by those who go over the entire length of the edifice on their knees, the continuous going and coming of the faithful, but all done with humility and devotion. All, except the sacristans and the employees of the church, all harbor a religious fear, a profound respect, a faith perhaps exaggerated.

On both sides of the silver altar burn numberless candles with little wax figures and it is no surprising to see together with the white candles of the Christians the red and large ones of the Chinese. Those who can pray, kneel down, and give all the alms they want without the necessity of being Christians or of entertaining the usual ideas about the Virgin.

A large thick crowd of people elbowing and pushing, quarreling or praying, were pressing together on their way that leads to the rear of the altar to kiss the cape of the image or the hand, if the worshipper is influential or well-known. They drop their alms in the large and quadrangular box placed at the foot of the image, and so great is the piety of the faithful that this box of more than half a meter long is very often filled in less than one day.

At the church’s exit are the blind, poor or beggars, who recite for you all the parts of the rosary that you wish for a little alms, just as inside they’ll say mass for you, whatever you fancy, according to the alms that you have given to the church and to those who keep it. From four o’clock in the morning, the church bells don’t stop ringing to announce masses, for so many are said that it’s impossible to count them. The people who come to hear them are innumerable, very diverse, of all social classes, and from all the provinces.

One of the diversions, or better, a complement of the pilgrimage, is the spring or bath in the river or in the Virgin’s spring where it is believed she had left traces of her sojourn there. The blessed or....... [note: at this point the manuscript was lost or destroyed]
_________
[01] A Spanish silver coin equivalent to twenty-five centavos.


Source: http://rizalslifewritings.tripod.com/Writings/Other/religiosity.htm

Saturday, October 24, 2009

The Virtues of De-Globalization - Walden Bello

WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Bold, Italized and/or Colored and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go to http://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."

NEW ON THIS WEBSITE:

Go to the sidebar, Click SCRIBD;View/Free Download: postings,eBooks, articles (50+growing,PDF), please Share!

“There is no literate population in the world that is poor; there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)

"We have about 50% of the world's wealth but only 6.3% of its population.... Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships which will permit us to maintain this position of disparity without positive detriment to our national security. To do so, we will have to dispense with all sentimentality and daydreaming, and our attention will have to be concentrated everywhere on our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world benefaction.... We should cease to talk about vague and unreal objectives such as human rights, the raising of the living standards, and democratization. The day is not far off when we are going to have to deal in straight power concepts. The less we are then hampered by idealistic slogans, the better." -George Kennan, U.S. State Department memo, 1948



Back in 1995, the Fidel Ramos government, with the enthusiastic support of then Senator Gloria Arroyo, was one of the first among the Third World (poor countries) to sign into the WTO in the Philippines. Obviously, most of our native technocrats in the national government and private institutions that deal and partner with foreign businesses were all for it.

At the time, even the EU member nations (except England) and Japan were hesitant and ambivalent about the WTO. Being more nationalistic and thus protective of their own subsidized agriculture and industries, these developed nations were content with the already well-functioning General Trade and Tariff Agreement (GATT) for liberalizing trade.

With the threat of a potentially stronger and unified EU, it was only the USA which was really pushing hard for the WTO. Anyone who knows reality economics is aware that America (as most other developed nations) still practices protectionism while she simultaneously preaches and works against its use by weak and poor countries like ours. We Filipinos have our enthusiastic native apologists of the WTO -- they profit from it (WTO is the polite name for and serves to facilitate or bolster neoliberalism or neocolonialism as seen by those who seriously study the big picture.)

Given our damaged culture, acquired colonial mentality and conditioned subservience to American policies especially by our national leadership in government and business, these fellow natives unquestioningly follow the American line despite the warnings by other Asian leaders such as Dr. Mahathir, then Prime Minister of Malaysia, who of course was/is detested by the American leadership.

We Filipinos, due to our miseducation , seem to have an American residing in our minds, thus we tend to think like we are Americans, love to mimic the Americans, decide like the Americans, i.e. what is good for America is good for the Philippines. Thus, we Filipinos and our homeland are in deep shit for so long and who knows until when (hopefully we will grow up and free ourselves from our "liberators." Some informed and decent Americans wish we would really grow up).

Fast forward today, 14 years since, thanks to this WTO Agreement, our homeland, our agricultural and industrial economies, our patrimony, etc. have been either gobbled up by foreigners or simply forced to vanish; and our sovereignty trampled upon so repeatedly. Our already suffering native people have drastically and continually slid down the slippery slope of national misery, hunger and poverty, our impoverished majority ever becoming enlarged due to a dwindling native middle class (not the foreign middle class of Chinese, Koreans, Americans, etc.).

Since the precipitous slide, our homeland has been/is being converted into a paradise garden exclusively of and for the few native rich, and the growing number of foreigners, who live like kings, brazenly creating their own exclusive enclaves right before our noses, in our homeland and who would really be nothing in their own homelands. So we have many of these Chinese who were either smuggled into until they became legalized thanks to the Marcos Dictatorship; and thus able to bring in more of their relatives and friends. These foreigners and former colonist Americans -including its ex-servicemen, and now Koreans, etc. who find our homeland cheap, our native Malay people hospitable and naive;and thus decide to stay while taking us for granted and look down on us, in our own homeland.

Let me add that the presence of American citizens and businesses can be used as an excuse for US military intervention/invasion in the future; it has happened throughout US history, The so-called Chinese "Boxer Rebellion" should remind us of where we have been heading and being directed at now by our rulers. The rebellion where eight foreign nations with businesses in China came to suppress nationalistic -however crude then- aspirations. After its suppression, the foreign nations divided China up among themselves until the 1949 Revolution.].

It may added that China with its own background in imperialism and with its now large economic, oil, mineral,etc. interests in Africa, has stationed 4,000 Chinese troops in Sudan to guard oil pipelines -China gets 25% of its imports from Africa. As to our burgeoning foreign residents and businesses, some deep thinking will help us see and foresee where their true interests lie when our native majority, unified by Filipino nationalism, rises up to assert and fight for our sovereignty. And that is why our majority is kept ignorant though our mendicant quislings in government and business. And that is why these foreigners together with our miseducated, selfish elite, and our supposedly educated middle class wannabes pontificate birth control on the native population to ensure that a critical mass do not occur.

The camouflage of "war against terrorism" (in lieu of the demised "Cold War"), the US troops through the unconstitutional Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) now in the homeland, whose mostly unknown whereabouts to the native majority, have already been accused in the media to be directly involved in fighting against Filipino rebels, such as the NPA and MILF - with some driven by nationalism.

20th century American history has demonstratively reinforced American militarism in US government and foreign policies. And US troops have shown their desire to be in foreign lands because they enjoy so much amenities than if they were stationed or be unqualified for a decent job and be jobless in their own homeland.

All these foreigners say they love our homeland --not because they really care for the native Filipino. They do say they love our homeland because it easily makes them rich, or helps them become richer, and live rich. Which they can neither have nor be in their own homelands. The situation of the native Filipino today is worse than that of the Black/Negro people in the old cotton plantations of the Deep South or below the Mason-Dixon line of 19th/early 20th century America. Then, at least the Black people were cared for, to some albeit meager degree, by their white masters.

Our native countrymen, many of whom due to poverty are/become/kept ignorant, conditioned to feel inferior to foreigners and easily duped or manipulated. While at the same time looked down upon by our elite and middle-class wannabes, with no voice in their own homeland, given the callously uncaring and traitorous attitudes and behaviours of our so-called leaders in business and government.

The below article by Walden Bello highlights the alternatives to the tsunami of globalization enforced by the IMF and WB via the WTO which hit our country in 1995, thanks to our traitorous rulers Fidel Ramos and Gloria-Macapagal Arroyo. Walden Bello's ideas are logical and true but given the duplicity of our rulers/technocrats,the external/foreign interests and globalized media that saturate and influence many of us against anti-globalization thoughts, globalization is truly difficult to control and defeat; but it is not impossible; if we native Filipinos are educated for Filipino nationalism, unified by nationalism and fight with nationalism.

Gloria Arroyo proudly reminded us that she wanted to be like his father. let us therefore be reminded that his dad Diosdado was the first guy to devalue the Philippine peso upon becoming President; as he promised to obtain American support against FILIPINO FIRST President Carlos Garcia, who was hated by American business interests. But this is another story.


- Bert



****************

The Virtues of Deglobalization

Walden Bello | September 3, 2009

Editor: John Feffer



The current global downturn, the worst since the Great Depression 70 years ago, pounded the last nail into the coffin of globalization. Already beleaguered by evidence that showed global poverty and inequality increasing, even as most poor countries experienced little or no economic growth, globalization has been terminally discredited in the last two years. As the much-heralded process of financial and trade interdependence went into reverse, it became the transmission belt not of prosperity but of economic crisis and collapse.

End of an Era

In their responses to the current economic crisis, governments paid lip service to global coordination but propelled separate stimulus programs meant to rev up national markets. In so doing, governments quietly shelved export-oriented growth, long the driver of many economies, though paid the usual nostrums to advancing trade liberalization as a means of countering the global downturn by completing the Doha Round of trade negotiations under the World Trade Organization. There is increasing acknowledgment that there will be no returning to a world centrally dependent on free-spending American consumers, since many are bankrupt and nobody has taken their place.

Moreover, whether agreed on internationally or unilaterally set up by national governments, a whole raft of restrictions will almost certainly be imposed on finance capital, the untrammeled mobility of which has been the cutting edge of the current crisis.

Intellectual discourse, however, hasn't yet shown many signs of this break with orthodoxy. Neoliberalism, with its emphasis on free trade, the primacy of private enterprise, and a minimalist role for the state, continues to be the default language among policymakers. Establishment critics of market fundamentalism, including Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman, have become entangled in endless debates over how large stimulus programs should be, and whether or not the state should retain an interventionist presence or, once stabilized, return the companies and banks to the private sector. Moreover some, such as Stiglitz, continue to believe in what they perceive to be the economic benefits of globalization while bemoaning its social costs.

But trends are fast outpacing both ideologues and critics of neoliberal globalization, and developments thought impossible a few years ago are gaining steam. "The integration of the world economy is in retreat on almost every front," writes the Economist. While the magazine says that corporations continue to believe in the efficiency of global supply chains, "like any chain, these are only as strong as their weakest link. A danger point will come if firms decide that this way of organizing production has had its day."

"Deglobalization," a term that the Economist attributes to me, is a development that the magazine, the world's prime avatar of free market ideology, views as negative. I believe, however, that deglobalization is an opportunity. Indeed, my colleagues and I at Focus on the Global South first forwarded deglobalization as a comprehensive paradigm to replace neoliberal globalization almost a decade ago, when the stresses, strains, and contradictions brought about by the latter had become painfully evident. Elaborated as an alternative mainly for developing countries, the deglobalization paradigm is not without relevance to the central capitalist economies.

11 Pillars of the Alternative

There are 11 key prongs of the deglobalization paradigm:

  1. Production for the domestic market must again become the center of gravity of the economy rather than production for export markets.
  2. The principle of subsidiarity should be enshrined in economic life by encouraging production of goods at the level of the community and at the national level if this can be done at reasonable cost in order to preserve community.
  3. Trade policy — that is, quotas and tariffs — should be used to protect the local economy from destruction by corporate-subsidized commodities with artificially low prices.
  4. Industrial policy — including subsidies, tariffs, and trade — should be used to revitalize and strengthen the manufacturing sector.
  5. Long-postponed measures of equitable income redistribution and land redistribution (including urban land reform) can create a vibrant internal market that would serve as the anchor of the economy and produce local financial resources for investment.
  6. Deemphasizing growth, emphasizing upgrading the quality of life, and maximizing equity will reduce environmental disequilibrium.
  7. The development and diffusion of environmentally congenial technology in both agriculture and industry should be encouraged.
  8. Strategic economic decisions cannot be left to the market or to technocrats. Instead, the scope of democratic decision-making in the economy should be expanded so that all vital questions — such as which industries to develop or phase out, what proportion of the government budget to devote to agriculture, etc. — become subject to democratic discussion and choice.
  9. Civil society must constantly monitor and supervise the private sector and the state, a process that should be institutionalized.
  10. The property complex should be transformed into a "mixed economy" that includes community cooperatives, private enterprises, and state enterprises, and excludes transnational corporations.
  11. Centralized global institutions like the IMF and the World Bank should be replaced with regional institutions built not on free trade and capital mobility but on principles of cooperation that, to use the words of Hugo Chavez in describing the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), "transcend the logic of capitalism."

From the Cult of Efficiency to Effective Economics

The aim of the deglobalization paradigm is to move beyond the economics of narrow efficiency, in which the key criterion is the reduction of unit cost, never mind the social and ecological destabilization this process brings about. It is to move beyond a system of economic calculation that, in the words of John Maynard Keynes, made "the whole conduct of life…into a paradox of an accountant's nightmare." An effective economics, rather, strengthens social solidarity by subordinating the operations of the market to the values of equity, justice, and community by enlarging the sphere of democratic decision making. To use the language of the great Hungarian thinker Karl Polanyi in his book The Great Transformation, deglobalization is about "re-embedding" the economy in society, instead of having society driven by the economy.

The deglobalization paradigm also asserts that a "one size fits all" model like neoliberalism or centralized bureaucratic socialism is dysfunctional and destabilizing. Instead, diversity should be expected and encouraged, as it is in nature. Shared principles of alternative economics do exist, and they have already substantially emerged in the struggle against and critical reflection over the failure of centralized socialism and capitalism. However, how these principles — the most important of which have been sketched out above — are concretely articulated will depend on the values, rhythms, and strategic choices of each society.

Deglobalization's Pedigree

Though it may sound radical, deglobalization isn't really new. Its pedigree includes the writings of the towering British economist Keynes who, at the height of the Depression, bluntly stated: "We do not wish…to be at the mercy of world forces working out, or trying to work out, some uniform equilibrium, according to the principles of laissez faire capitalism."

Indeed, he continued, over "an increasingly wide range of industrial products, and perhaps agricultural products also, I become doubtful whether the economic cost of self-sufficiency is great enough to outweigh the other advantages of gradually bringing the producer and the consumer within the ambit of the same national, economic and financial organization. Experience accumulates to prove that most modern mass-production processes can be performed in most countries and climates with almost equal efficiency."

And with words that have a very contemporary ring, Keynes concluded, "I sympathize…with those who would minimize rather than with those who would maximize economic entanglement between nations. Ideas, knowledge, art, hospitality, travel — these are the things which should of their nature be international. But let goods be homespun whenever it is reasonably and conveniently possible; and, above all, let finance be primarily national."

Foreign Policy in Focus columnist Walden Bello is a member of the House of Representatives of the Philippines and senior analyst at the Bangkok-based research and advocacy institute Focus on the Global South.

Source: http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6399


Friday, September 18, 2009

CORA AQUINO - How the Politics of Reform Lost and Re-claimed Cory -- CenPEG


WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Colored and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go to http://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."

"Those who profess to favor freedom
and yet deprecate agitation

are men who want crops without
plowing up the ground;
they want rain without thunder and
lightning.
They want the ocean without the
awful roar of its waters.
This struggle may be a moral one
or it may be a physical one

or it may be both moral and physical
but it must be a struggle.
Power concedes nothing without a
demand
It never did, and never will." – Frederick Douglass
,
American Abolitionist, Lecturer, Author and Slave, 1817-1895)

(quoted in Fr.Salgado’s Philippine Economy: History and Analysis, 1985)



“As to the source of leadership, we Filipinos still look up and limit ourselves to the same socioeconomic-political elite, the same prominent dynasties, many of whom were of the collaborationist and mendicant variety. There is potentially good leadership, maybe still unknown, OUTSIDE the selfish, morally bankrupt and oftentimes subservient elite. When we have done away with our massive ignorance, we Filipinos can surely find and actively ensure that only individuals -with courage and strong nationalism- earn respect; thus who will successfully propel the people to fight, and finally win for the common good” – GADFLY(1947-present).


Ferdinand Marcos offered the 1986 Snap Election, which proved disastrous for him and ended the Marcos Dictatorship. Due to his past successes, he was overconfident about his ability to manipulate the electoral process but this time he failed and was forced to flee, aided by his American supporter Ronald Reagan. Just like several rulers of other countries, more faithful to their foreign sponsors than to their own people, Marcos ran to the bosoms of his foreign master despite his verbal bravado then to stay and fight.

Cory Aquino was used by practically everyone, by the "legal" opposition movement comprised mainly of the pre-martial law politicians, aristocracy/oligarchy, Catholic Church hierarchy and the middle class, all comprising the so-called "civil society." We native Filipinos, being more sentimental than rational, saw only her religiosity and forgot that Cory came from and is part of that aristocracy and gave her the win.

Without belaboring the details of Cory's presidential rule, it was a complete failure (some of my friends who were very active in supporting her were greatly disillusioned; sadly, a few have expressed indifference to governance, withdrew into themselves and to an escape to religiosity.) Her 6 years in the presidency was the second wasted greatest opportunity for radical/fundamental changes in our homeland (the first greatest opportunity was during Marcos' rule, shrewd politicking and absolute power but we now know his real priorities). But in the end, then and now, whether Cory or Marcos, Ramos or Estrada , or Arroyo, the foreigners always win at the expense of the native majority.

I do not know why many of us saw, continually see and believe that the facial change(s) in our homeland's ruling elite then as revolutionary when no one acted/acts as a nationalist : when no one among our presidents have questioned or raised the most critical issues of foreign dominance in our homeland. I mean foreign economic (include cultural) dominance via the IMF and WB, ADB, WTO and the punishments it continually brings, to include military agreements JUSMAG, VFA, etc. that we natives practically do not know and understand much about.and hidden from; when they sign agreements/treaties and laws where more foreigners (resident Koumintang and now-mainland Chinese varieties, Japanese, Koreans, Australians, etc. who logically have their own personal and national interests amid their bribes and glib talks) are given preferences in our homeland at the expense of our native majority; when agrarian reform has been legislated and proclaimed several times but never significantly implemented and instead allowed loopholes to circumvent it (compare to Cuba's Fidel Castro who after his revolutionary success, initiated real land reform beginning with his family's hacienda - which made his angry sister run to America and be beamed/used by the Voice of America propaganda radio to talk against him.)This foreign dominance is essentially neocolonialism/neoimperialism applied and practiced in our homeland.

Until our rulers sincerely inform the citizenry and act against the neocolonial blueprint that they have been perennially and religiously following, they and all the contenders to public office demonstrate that they do not really care about the native majority; that by continuously keeping and fostering mass ignorance, these arrogant, slavish, salivating and thieving bunch only deserve to be put to the wall or incarcerated for life for being grave crooks and traitors. They make all our perennial "elections" a perennial charade -- a momentary venting of frustrations and grievances, the sad, revolting historical and current realities in our homeland.

Below is a short but fair article by CenPEG's Bobby Tuazon about Cory Aquino, when she was our homeland's president and thereafter. [ A comprehensive analysis of the Cora Aquino regime from a nationalist viewpoint was made by the late Prof. Renato Constantino, one of our great nationalists in his book/collected essays "THE AQUINO WATCH', 1987]

- Bert


“There is no literate population in the world that is poor; there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)


“One of the major errors in the whole discussion of economic development has been the tendency to look at the United States or Canada and say that this has worked here, and therefore it must work in the poor countries.” – John Kenneth Galbraith (1908-2006)

**************

(Corazon C. Aquino, 1933-2009)

By the Policy Study, Publication and Advocacy
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
August 8, 2009

Cory AquinoThere may be icons and there may be symbols but real transformation can only take place by giving flesh and blood to people power. Only the masses can truly represent “people power” and it is high time that it is re-claimed by the people themselves.

Corazon C. Aquino became the country’s seventh President on the crest of the first People Power that ousted the Marcos dictatorship in February 1986. She faced at least seven coup attempts but she stayed on until a peaceful transition of the presidency in 1992.

Tita Cory – a term of endearment used by many Filipinos – came from one of the biggest landed elites but those who knew her personally attest that she lived a simple and ordinary life.

The people power, that began to be associated with civilian uprisings unseating dictators in the Philippines and other countries, had its roots during the Marcos rule (1966-1986) with the upsurge of the nationalist movement and student radicalism of the late 1960s-1970s through the underground anti-dictatorship struggle until it rose as a giant wave following the assassination of Cory’s husband, former Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr. on August 21, 1983. Since then she became a rallying figure that coalesced disparate forces, from the Left to the moderate forces with the multitude of millions aching for the restoration of democracy as well as social and economic reform.

At the end of Aquino’s term, the people power forces who celebrated the EDSA 1 anniversaries dwindled to a few thousand and became less visible in the succeeding years. What went wrong?

Sequestration of political power

The broad democratic force that toppled the Marcos dictatorship may have installed Mrs. Aquino to the presidency but the reforms that the historic moment needed were swept aside with the sequestration of real political power from the authoritarian regime to its own remnants and a section of the elite.

Meanwhile, the U.S. government, which had earlier backed Marcos, admonished the Aquino administration to reconcile with remaining key figures of the Marcos dictatorship so that policies pursued earlier, such as on the U.S. bases, would continue. The reconciliation tack, coupled with pressures arising from coup attempts that brought more power to former Marcos generals, disabled efforts by reform-minded members of the Aquino Cabinet to institute reforms in the political system, security structures as well as in the labor and peasant fronts. One after the other, they were eased out from the Cabinet.

Mrs. Aquino fulfilled her promise to release political prisoners of the Marcos regime but at the same time she issued a proclamation giving immunity from lawsuit to all perpetrators of human rights violations. She tried talking peace with the National Democratic Front (NDF) but military hawks in her government brought the peace process to collapse. With militarists gaining the upperhand, Cory unleashed the sword of war against the revolutionary forces. The brutal counter-insurgency campaign began by Marcos continued under the Aquino government’s “total war” policy that was inspired by the U.S.-designed low intensity conflict (LIC) doctrine.

Moreover, she reversed a covenant with progressive leaders during the last years of the dictatorship calling for the dismantling of the U.S. bases by endorsing for Senate ratification a proposed bases renewal treaty. She signed an agrarian reform act but rendered it unpromising amid legislative acts to emasculate it and by exempting Hacienda Luisita, the largest sugar plantation in Southeast Asia owned by her family, from land reform. The critical collaboration that many progressive sectors offered was further pushed back by the series of massacres of peasants and other military atrocities committed under her watch. Toward the end of her term, Aquino’s popularity rating plunged tragically.

Historical role

Cory Aquino’s place in history is her role as a figure that brought hope for the removal of strongman rule and the restoration of civil liberties as well as the trappings of bourgeois democracy. Whether that hope gave birth to effective reform in terms of addressing poverty and bringing about substantial change in the lives of the peasants, workers, and other oppressed classes was a dream shattered – and remains unrealized today or 23 years later. Cory had democratic leanings but failed as a social reformer.

This appraisal can be explained by the fact that hope transforms into real change only if the people are empowered. Democracy works when the political leadership truly represents the patriotic and democratic interests of the people. Elite rule was unscathed even with the exit of Marcos. Today the trappings of restored bourgeois democracy such as Malacanang and Congress remain effectively under oligarchic hegemony.

Divorced, however, from the constraints of traditional politics and aware of her own historic role as an “icon of democracy” private citizen Cory lent her still influential voice in various struggles against plunder, moral bankruptcy, corruption, and politically-motivated charter change. Hers became a voice in the constant search for good governance asking, for instance, Gloria M. Arroyo to do the “supreme sacrifice” of resigning in the social unrest triggered by the “Garci tapes” scandal and the NBN-ZTE scam. In many ways unlike her, most of the so-called Edsa 1 and 2 leaders and beneficiaries went back to their old ways figuring in plunder, cronyism, patronage, corruption, and human rights violations – the very same evils that trigger people’s revolts.

As the lives of many people including military reformists, whistleblowers, victims of forced disappearances, and simple folk were touched by her gestures, it is as a private citizen that Cory can truly be said to have made her true mark. Her presence in protest actions helped keep the flame of people power burning unfazed by Mrs. Arroyo’s efforts to douse it off by claiming that people power is dead. Had she lived on, Cory should be a force to reckon with in the most disquieting period of power transition from the present unpopular regime to the next.

Flesh and blood

There may be icons and there may be symbols but real transformation can only take place by giving flesh and blood to people power. Only the masses can truly represent “people power” and it is high time that it is re-claimed by the people themselves.

A fitting conclusion to this appraisal is this quote from Harriet Beecher Stowe, a 19th century American novelist who stood against Black slavery: “The bitterest tears shed over graves are for words left unsaid and deeds left undone.

************

Neocolonialism - The dominance of strong nations over weak nations, not by direct political control (as in traditional colonialism), but by economic and cultural influence.

“The true Filipino is a decolonized Filipino.” – Prof. Renato Constantino (1919-1999)

*******

For reference:

Bobby Tuazon
Director, Policy Study, Publication and Advocacy (PSPA)
Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG)
TelFax +63-2 9299526; mobile phone: 0929-8007965

For your comments/suggestions please send your email to issueanalysis2009@cenpeg.org

Source URL: http://us.mc820.mail.yahoo.com/mc/welcome?.partner=sbc&.gx=1&.tm=1249734024&.rand=djf3s6nn2eabo#_pg=showMessage&sMid=1&&filterBy=&midIndex=1&mid=1_2368198_APiyo0IAALi2SnzrwwBLUG%2FZMaE&m=1_2370859_APmyo0IAATx%2BSn1boAAPrg0t4BE,1_2368198_APiyo0IAALi2SnzrwwBLUG%2FZMaE,1_2367511_APyyo0IAADl4SnzAtQ70wz%2Fnevw,1_2366733_APayo0IAAOH%2FSny%2BWwigg0CuvWE,1_2366170_APyyo0IAAU%2BiSnyePQCIqHG%2FSAE,1_2365605_APuyo0IAAL8OSnyd8QKFJQN4zes,1_2364965_APWyo0IAAOG1SnyUXAqbW29VcAM,&sort=date&order=down&startMid=0&pSize=25&hash=8a7c475928e02a06f955eda0fe8c1014&.jsrand=8580483

Thursday, September 03, 2009

Good War versus Great Society

WHAT WE FILIPINOS SHOULD KNOW: Note: Colored and/or Underlined words are HTML links. Click on them to see the linked postings/articles. Forwarding the postings to relatives and friends, especially in the homeland, is greatly appreciated.

To write or read a comment, please go to http://www.thefilipinomind.blogspot.com/ and scroll down to the bottom of the current post (or another post you read and may want to respond) and click on "Comments."


**************

Good War vs. Great Society
World Beat
by JOHN FEFFER | Tuesday, September 22, 2009
Vol. 4, No. 38

The Vietnam War ruined everything. It not only destroyed Vietnam and killed a huge number of its inhabitants. It not only killed so many American soldiers and destroyed the futures of so many veterans. It not only spread into Cambodia and Laos and wrecked those countries for generations.

The Vietnam War also killed the Great Society. President Lyndon Johnson, with a large Democratic majority in Congress after the 1964 elections, enacted sweeping reforms in education, health care, and transportation, along with landmark civil rights legislation. But the pressure of spending on the Vietnam War - the guns vs. butter debate of the 1960s - eventually brought this last, great program of genuine American liberalism to a halt and scuttled the hopes of its architect for a second presidential term.

Will the Afghanistan War drive a similar stake through the heart of President Barack Obama's ambitious domestic program?

The two major issues currently on the public agenda are health care and the war in Afghanistan: the guns vs. butter debate of the 21st century. This year, the annual cost of the Afghan War has jumped to $60 billion. In total, we've spent over $220 billion on the nearly eight-year conflict. If General McChrystal gets his way and the administration sends even more troops, the bill will only grow. Meanwhile, Obama has his own version of Great Society reform on the table in the form of an ambitious health care initiative. It won't come cheap. The president has promised to cap the costs of his plan, the Holy Grail of liberal reformers since FDR's time, at $900 billion over 10 years.

The question is: Can Obama have his guns and eat his butter too? We've already laid out huge chunks of money for the financial sector bailout followed by the economic stimulus package. The Pentagon is continuing to spend as though we aren't facing a $1.6 trillion government deficit for 2009. The military budget for 2010, 4% larger than last year, clocks in at $636 billion.

Johnson believed that he could have both guns and butter. "We are a country which was built by pioneers who had a rifle in one hand and an ax in the other," he proclaimed. "We can do both. And as long as I am president we will do both." His hubris was not unprecedented. The other great liberal reformers, Woodrow Wilson and FDR, also tried to balance their ambitious domestic programs with military engagements overseas.

Johnson, of course, did not remain president for long. He pushed through most of his Great Society reforms in his first two years in office, when he had large Democratic majorities in Congress. By 1968, the war in Vietnam had led to considerable criticism of the president's record and a major drop in his popularity, and Johnson decided not to run for reelection. As Irving Bernstein writes in his probing study of the era, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson, "One may speculate over what might have been if the country had remained at peace. Economic policy was working superbly in 1965 and it is likely that prosperity would have continued into 1968. In Chicago the Democrats would have renominated the Johnson-Humphrey ticket and it would have won easily. This might have launched a long period of Democratic control of the White House and the Congress. The Great Society would have survived and might have been expanded."

This expansion might well have been global. A few years after the end of the Vietnam War, ministers from 134 countries gathered in Kazakhstan and issued a declaration calling on the international community to reduce the gap in health care between the industrialized and developing worlds. "They considered the slogan 'Health for All by the Year 2000' as a laudable and achievable goal," writes Foreign Policy In Focus (FPIF) contributor Adam Parsons in The Global Health Debate. "Not only did it involve guaranteeing access to essential health care at a community level for all people of the world, but primary health care services were to work closely with health-related sectors responsible for other essential needs including education, safe water, sanitation, and food security." This attempt at a Global Great Society foundered with the rise of neoliberal economic programs in the late 1970s.

History could have marched down a different path in 1965. After all, as a candidate in 1964, Johnson argued that "we don't want to get involved in a nation with 700 million people [China] and get tied down in a land war in Asia." As president, however, Johnson did exactly that: committing U.S. ground forces to Vietnam in 1965. This decision ultimately doomed his presidency and the Great Society. We've been living with the Considerably-Less-Than-Great Society of the neoliberals and neoconservatives ever since.

Obama, as candidate in 2008, promised to refocus the U.S. military on Afghanistan. As president, he now has a chance to reverse himself and end the war. According to some recent indications, the president is willing to rethink his approach to Afghanistan. If he does, he can rescue his own Great Society ambitions, secure himself a second term of office, and acquire an enduring legacy as the first president to resolve the guns vs. butter dilemma in the only sustainable way possible.

German Anguish over Afghanistan

Germany is currently involved in an anguished examination of its own involvement in Afghanistan. The German public is up in arms over the recent incident in northern Afghanistan in which German Colonel Georg Klein called in U.S. air support to bomb a fuel convoy hijacked by the Taliban. An unknown number of Afghan civilians died as a result of the attack. Now it turns out that:

  • The fuel tankers were stuck in the mud for several hours and so posed no immediate threat, despite Klein's report to the contrary;
  • Klein should have authorized the F-15s to do a low-altitude pass over the convoy as a warning to give civilians a chance to flee;
  • Klein didn't have the authority to order the strike in the first place since there hadn't been any contact with the enemy and there wasn't an imminent threat.

"An airstrike like this certainly isn't something that you'd expect in a tactical stabilization operation, which is what the Bundeswehr is supposed to be doing," observes Winfried Nachtwei, a German Green and military expert, in an interview with FPIF contributor Paul Hockenos. "Indeed, the ISAF mandate is for stabilization and support of the government. The new U.S. policy is to avoid civilian deaths if at all possible. Yet the situation in and around Kundus has deteriorated dramatically since last year alone and the Germans have begun to call for tactical air support. This air raid represents a watershed in the escalation of conflict in the north. In no uncertain terms, there is war in the Kundus province and Germans are part of it."

German opposition to the war is growing. "The Germany peace movement is currently conducting many actions to end the war in Afghanistan, most recently several regional public meetings on September 9," writes FPIF contributor Reiner Braun in Afghanistan and the German Peace Movement. "It will continue these actions even after the presidential elections on September 27. Die Linke, the only party in Germany that supports immediate withdrawal from Afghanistan, has seen its support rise from 10% to 14% in the wake of the bombing. It is time for Germany to withdraw its troops and for the minister of defense to step down."

Middle East Peace Still Elusive

News from the Middle East peace process has not been good. U.S. envoy George Mitchell returned empty-handed from his recent tour of the region. His big failure: securing an agreement from Israel to freeze the expansion of its settlements in occupied territory.

Don't expect the Obama administration to simply give in to Israel on this issue, argues FPIF contributor Ira Chernus. "Now we are in a new political world," he writes in Obama's Israel-Palestine Gamble. "Obama signaled the change when he invited J Street and [Americans for Peace Now] to his White House meeting with leaders of major Jewish organizations. Obama owes groups like these a political debt, because the pro-Israel, pro-peace community is now beginning to provide a counter-balance to AIPAC and other right-wing groups, who have traditionally defined what it means to be 'pro-Israel.' That gives Obama more room to make whatever policy choice he wants - a luxury previous presidents have not enjoyed."

Should the Obama administration decide to exert pressure on the Israeli government, it has several options. "The key is to find a form of leverage that is costly enough to impact Israeli behavior without threatening their security and is also relatively cheap for the administration to apply," writes FPIF contributor Shana Marshall in Beyond Muscle. "Defense 'offsets' - incentives granted by private companies to facilitate the purchase of military goods - satisfy all these conditions, and may be especially effective in the struggle for Middle East peace."

IMF: Reform We Can Believe In?

The International Monetary Fund has recently introduced several new twists to its lending programs. FPIF asked two experts to evaluate the Rapid Credit Facility and the Flexible Credit Facility, which the IMF promotes as ways to get money fast to countries in dire need.

"The Fund is positioning itself to be less of an adversary and more of a cheerleader to member countries," argues FPIF contributor Martin S. Edwards in The IMF's New Toolkit. "For some countries that need loans more for reassurance than reform, these changes to the Fund toolkit are welcome. Instead of providing the same medicine to all countries regardless of their particular problems, these new loan facilities are intended to aid reform-minded governments by provide short-term resources to reassure investors. In this manner, they help politicians in developing countries manage the downside costs of integration."

Soren Ambrose is not so sanguine about the changes. "Civil society groups have been calling for a reorientation toward medium- and long-term economic planning," he writes in Mere Tinkering or Change We Can Believe In? "This means prioritizing the services and development priorities that low-income countries desperately need. The temporary loosening the IMF has practiced recently is merely a pragmatic leniency in a time of crisis; it is unlikely to allow sustained additional spending on services or development."

In our Strategic Dialogue on this topic, Edwards challenges Ambrose's caution and Ambrose takes on Edwards' optimism.

Links

"Quick Facts about U.S. Military Operations in Afghanistan," National Priorities Project, September 3, 2009; http://www.nationalpriorities.org/2009/09/02/quick-facts-US-military-operations-Afghanistan

Vincent del Guidice, "U.S. Budget Deficit Little Changed at $111.4 Billion in August," Bloomberg, September 11, 2009; http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601087&sid=aT_OkQWvWWj0

Irving Bernstein, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); http://openlibrary.org/b/OL21571414M/Guns_or_butter

Adam Parsons, "The Global Health Debate," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6426); It's time to make "health for all" a global reality.

Rajiv Chandrasekaran and Karen DeYoung, "Changes Have Obama Rethinking War Strategy," The Washington Post, September 21, 2009; http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/09/20/AR2009092002878.html?hpid=topnews

Ulrike Demmer, Dirk Kurbjuweit, Marcel Rosenbach, and Alexander Szandar, "New Allegations against Officer Who Ordered Kunduz Strike," Der Spiegel, September 21, 2009; http://www.abcnews.go.com/International/afghanistan-allegations-officer-ordered-kunduz-strike/story?id=8628057

Paul Hockenos, "Afghanistan and the Greens," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6420); Interview with Winfried Nachtwei, German Green MP and foreign and security policy expert.

Reiner Braun, "Afghanistan and the German Peace Movement," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6427); The German peace movement is calling for an end to the Afghan War and the resignation of the German minister of defense.

Ira Chernus, "Obama's Israel-Palestine Gamble," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6421); Has the Obama administration capitulated to Israel or made a shrewd calculation?

Shana Marshall, "Beyond Muscle," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6412); To promote the conditions for peace in the Middle East, the U.S. should tie security assistance to Israeli settlement policy.

Martin S. Edwards, "The IMF's New Toolkit," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6424); The IMF has made some positive changes to adapt to new economic realities.

Soren Ambrose, "Mere Tinkering or Change We Can Believe In?" Foreign Policy In Focus (http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/6422); While the IMF has introduced reforms with some positive features, it hasn't questioned, much less shifted away from, the "market-fundamentalist" orientation it has prescribed and enforced for so long.

Martin S. Edwards, "Response to Ambrose," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://fpif.org/fpiftxt/6423); The IMF is more flexible and transparent than ever before.

Soren Ambrose, "Response to Edwards," Foreign Policy In Focus (http://fpif.org/fpiftxt/6425); The IMF is still attaching onerous conditions to its loans to low-income countries.

. . .

Foreign Policy In Focus is a network for research, analysis and action that brings together more than 700 scholars, advocates and activists who strive to make the United States a more responsible global partner. It is a project of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS) in Washington. www.fpif.org

For more than four decades, the Institute for Policy Studies has transformed ideas into action for peace, justice, and the environment. It is a progressive multi-issue think tank. www.ips-dc.org

To cancel your IPS' World Beat e-mail subscription, please click here.
To customize your IPS' World Beat e-mail subscription, please click here.
We won't share your info with third parties and we respect your preferences.
On content: John Feffer | Other questions, 202.234.9382
©2009 IPS

Source: http://mail.google.com/mail/?hl=en&tab=wm#inbox/123e26db2caf1ff4